Remaking the Kingdom
André Gagné March/April 2026Why understanding dominionist theology is key to making sense of contemporary American politics.
January 6, 2021: a mob stormed the U.S. Capitol to disrupt the certification of Joe Biden’s election victory. Five years later the nation continues to grapple with the fallout from this event. That day remains a stark reminder of a direct assault on democratic stability. Among those present were Christians driven by leaders who fueled conspiracy theories and framed Donald Trump’s presidency as a divine appointment intended to restore America’s Judeo-Christian roots.The recent fusion of religion and politics in the United States stems from a specific theology of political power known as dominionism.1 This theocratic ideology asserts that Christians are divinely mandated to seize control of all political and cultural institutions.2 Proponents believe they must exercise authority over every sector of society, often prioritizing the acquisition of power over specific theological differences or democratic methods. At its heart, dominionism is the conviction that believers are called to rule the earth directly. This movement finds its justification in a specific interpretation of Genesis 1:26–28, which commands humanity to ”subdue” and ”rule” over creation. While many traditions view these verses as a call to environmental or spiritual stewardship, dominionists interpret them as a mandate for absolute social and political governance.
In the United States, this framework of political power is most visible within the Christian right. This influential coalition brings together ultraconservative evangelicals, Catholics, and Protestants who share a common set of political ambitions. These groups bridge their theological differences by uniting behind specific social, legal, and political causes. Central to their mission is the defense of what they define as religious freedom, often viewed through the lens of maintaining their influence over cultural institutions.
Adherents of a dominionist worldview aim to establish a Christian hegemony where their faith takes precedence over all other religions. In this framework, religious freedom is viewed primarily as a right reserved for Christians. Driven by theocratic goals, they argue that divine law, such as the Ten Commandments, must serve as the fundamental basis for the social and political order of the United States. This vision extends beyond American borders to encompass the entire world. These believers interpret the Great Commission in Matthew 28:18–20 as a political mandate, asserting that because all authority belongs to Jesus, His followers are required to bring every nation under the rule of His commandments. This raises a critical question: By what means do they intend to carry out such a global mandate?
The Roots of Dominionism
To understand the mechanics of dominionism, one must first look at its origins in Christian reconstructionism.3 This movement emerged in the 1970s under the leadership of Rousas J. Rushdoony, a Presbyterian minister and prolific author. Rushdoony’s academic background was extensive; he earned degrees in English and education from the University of California, Berkeley, before completing his pastoral studies at the Pacific School of Religion in 1944. Following his ordination, Rushdoony dedicated himself to developing a comprehensive theological system. His intellectual contributions were recognized with honorary doctorates from Brainerd Theological Seminary and Grove City College. He later earned a doctorate in education from Valley Christian University in 1980, a milestone that preceded the publication of his influential work, The Philosophy of the Christian Curriculum,4 the following year.
Rushdoony began his ministry in 1944 at a mission church on an Indian reservation in Owyhee, Nevada. After nearly a decade of service, he moved to Santa Cruz, California, to lead a Presbyterian Church in the United States (PCUSA) congregation. However, by 1958, deep disillusionment with the denomination led him to cut ties. Alongside a group of like-minded followers, he joined the Orthodox Presbyterian Church and established a new local congregation. His career shifted away from the pulpit in 1962. By the following year he had secured a research position at the Center for American Studies, though his tenure there was short-lived; the institution eventually dismissed him, citing his doctrinal views as too sectarian. This string of departures ultimately led him to establish his own platform. In 1965 he founded the Chalcedon Foundation, an organization that became the intellectual hub for research, publishing, and the global spread of Christian reconstructionism.
What are the core tenets of this political theology? Rushdoony asserts that every aspect of life must align strictly with a biblical worldview. Like many evangelicals, he views the Bible as the literal Word of God and the ultimate authority on truth for all believers. Central to his vision is ”theonomy,” or the application of biblical law, which seeks to rebuild American society on a Christian foundation from the ground up. This goal of systemic overhaul is what gives the movement its name: Christian reconstructionism. This theological framework does not exist in a vacuum. It positions itself within a historical lineage stretching from Augustine to John Calvin, finding modern inspiration in the neo-Calvinist thought of Abraham Kuyper and Cornelius Van Til. Because his system is so deeply rooted in the Calvinist tradition, Rushdoony places the absolute sovereignty of God at the heart of his philosophy.
The implementation of divine law across the family, the church, and civil government is viewed as a gradual process. Rushdoony’s vision for societal transformation involves a two-tiered strategy. In the short term the movement emphasizes direct participation in electoral politics to influence and pressure current officials. However, the long-term focus is on a deeper cultural shift: the cultivation of a new generation of leaders equipped with the specific skills and vision required to establish what they describe as the kingdom of God. Rushdoony prioritized this generational approach, placing immense value on private Christian education. This explains his role as a prominent advocate for the homeschooling movement. He believed that children must be raised within a strictly Judeo-Christian household to be properly prepared as agents of social and political transformation.
Rushdoony outlines his comprehensive social and political program in his most significant work, The Institutes of Biblical Law.5 In this primary text he argues for a society governed entirely by biblical law, where the power of the state is severely restricted. He envisions a legal system driven by citizens rather than a massive bureaucracy. Under this model, criminals are required to provide direct restitution to their victims, while those who commit capital offenses are executed.
Charismatic Dominionism and the Seven Mountain Mandate
While the more extreme aspects of the reconstructionist program failed to win over the majority of American Christians, the broader concept of social transformation continued to gain momentum. In 1975, just three years after Rushdoony published his primary work, the movement took a significant turn through two influential evangelical leaders. Bill Bright, the founder of Campus Crusade for Christ,6 and Loren Cunningham, the founder of Youth With a Mission,7 both reported receiving a divine revelation. Though they arrived at the idea independently, they both described a strategy centered on what they understood as the ”Seven Mountains” of culture.
Regardless of how their so-called revelation originated, the concept of social transformation was eventually adopted by a neo-charismatic movement that differed sharply from traditional neo-Calvinist theology. This transition fundamentally altered the strategy behind Christian reconstructionism. While Rushdoony’s original vision relied on the absolute sovereignty of God to bring about a slow, incremental change from the bottom up, the new approach favored immediate action. Charismatics began urging believers to take a direct and aggressive role in cultural change rather than waiting for a divine timeline. This shift led to what is now referred to as the ”Seven Mountain Mandate,” a mobilizing strategy that advocates for a top-down conquest of society. This updated version of dominionism is highly assertive, demanding that Christians proactively seize control and influence over key cultural sectors of society to establish their vision of the kingdom.
This brand of dominionism is most clearly seen with what is now understood as the New Apostolic Reformation (NAR). C. Peter Wagner coined the term ”New Apostolic Reformation” to categorize a global ecclesiastical shift he traced back to the turn of the twentieth century. Rather than claiming the title of founder, Wagner viewed himself as a chronicler of an existing phenomenon characterized by a transition toward apostolic leadership and decentralized networks.8 He identified the NAR’s origins in three distinct international movements: the African Independent Church movement of the early 1900s, followed by the mid-1970s emergence of both the Chinese rural house church movement and the grassroots church movement in Latin America. According to Wagner’s timeline, the North American church entered this new historical season in 2001, an era he designated the Second Apostolic Age. While he did not initiate these global trends, Wagner played a pivotal role by establishing the formal networks necessary to sustain and unify the movement within the United States and abroad.
In 2008 Wagner published a landmark book, Dominion! How Kingdom Action Can Change the World.9 In it Wagner explicitly credits Calvinist thinkers like Kuyper and Rushdoony for providing the intellectual framework for his own ideas. However, Wagner had been laying the groundwork for this shift even earlier. In a May 2007 letter to the financial supporters of his organization, Global Harvest Ministries, he outlined the aggressive dominionist focus that would soon characterize his entire ministry. For Wagner the NAR’s theological foundation rests upon dominion theology, a conviction that believers are divinely mandated to reclaim authority over creation, an authority originally lost in the Garden of Eden. Under the guidance of the Holy Spirit, proponents seek to manifest the kingdom of God on earth by transforming entire cities and nations to align with biblical values. This objective is predicated on the belief that such widespread societal change can be achieved only when kingdom-focused adherents ascend to positions of primary influence, effectively becoming the head and not the tail of society.
This model represents a form of top-down dominionism, a concept encapsulated by the phrase ”to be the head and not the tail.” In 2007, as the primary leader of the New Apostolic Reformation, Wagner effectively endorsed the work of Lance Wallnau, a Pentecostal Christian entrepreneur who is viewed as a prophet, apostle, and teacher in neo-charismatic networks. It was this way that the NAR, under the leadership of its chief apostle, C. Peter Wagner, committed itself to the Seven Mountain Mandate. Lance Wallnau credits Loren Cunningham with introducing him to the ”Seven Mountains” concept in 2000, noting that he had not encountered the idea prior to that meeting.10 Since then, Wallnau has emerged as one of the most visible proponents of the ”Seven Mountain Mandate.”
Wallnau contends that believers are called to reclaim a nation’s ”high places,” which he defines as the central seats of institutional power. This effort seeks to occupy spaces perceived to be under the control of secular culture and, by extension, demonic influence. This framework targets seven specific spheres of influence: religion, education, business, politics, arts and entertainment, media, and the family. Proponents of this vision seek to establish the kingdom of God on earth, grounding their mission in a specific interpretation of the Lord’s Prayer: “Your kingdom come, your will be done, on earth as it is in heaven” (Matthew 6:10, NKJV).11
Defining the specific functions of the ”Seven Mountains” reveals the precise mechanisms required for this proposed social transformation. Occupying the ”mountain of religion” requires that the church move beyond traditional worship to actively proclaim the gospel and expand the kingdom of God globally. Reshaping the ”mountain of education” aims at reintegrating biblical principles and objective truths into an academic system perceived as a primary engine for secular indoctrination. Ascending the ”mountain of the economy” involves church leaders equipping financial professionals to operate with integrity, a strategy frequently coupled with the promise of prosperity and the conviction that God empowers believers with wealth specifically to finance the expansion of his earthly kingdom. Securing the ”mountain of politics” centers on the installation of leaders committed to crafting public policy that upholds and restores an explicitly Christian heritage. Control over the ”mountain of arts and entertainment” addresses the powerful cultural influence of music, film, and social media on younger generations, calling for talented individuals to dedicate their skills to religious ends. Transformation of the ”mountain of the media” involves Christians moving beyond niche religious outlets to dominate mainstream news and opinion platforms, with the goal of replacing perceived falsehoods with their version of truthful reporting. A revolution on the ”mountain of the family” seeks to transform the fundamental unit of society by establishing a patriarchal domestic model and championing the traditional family through resolute opposition to abortion, euthanasia, and the legal protections afforded to the LGBTQ community.
With the second Trump administration there has been a significant uptick in assaults on the media, which are often dismissed as ”fake news.” There is also a clear strategy that systematically targets immigrant and minority communities, creating a climate defined by exclusion and anxiety. At the same time, proposals to abolish the Department of Education threaten to eliminate the federal oversight necessary for equitable student access to resources. The Department of Justice has also been redirected to prosecute individuals and groups accused of ”anti-Christian bias,” a move that could transform the legal system into a tool for suppressing dissent. How far, collectively, these strategies will serve to advance the dominionist agenda remains to be seen. The intent, however, of some within this administration is clear: to align society more closely with a specific interpretation of Christian values, ultimately reshaping the very fabric of American democracy.
1 It is also referred to as Dominion Theology.
2 More on Dominionism can be found on the Political Research Associates’ website: https://politicalresearch.org/2022/11/04/101-dominionism, accessed January 7, 2026.
3 For more on Christian Reconstructionism, see Julie Ingersoll, Building God’s Kingdom: Inside the World of Christian Reconstruction (Oxford University Press, 2015).
4 Rousas John Rushdoony, The Philosophy of the Christian Curriculum (Ross House Books, 1981).
5 Rousas John Rushdoony, The Institutes of Biblical Law (The Craig Press, 1973).
6 For the history of Campus Crusade for Christ, see: https://www.cru.org/us/en/about.html, accessed January 7, 2026.
7 Details about YWAM can be found on its website: https://ywam.org/about-us/history, accessed January 7, 2026.
8 See Wagner’s comments on the NAR: https://mycharisma.com/culture/the-new-apostolic-reformation-is-not-a-cult/, accessed January 7, 2026.
9 C. Peter Wagner, Dominion! How Kingdom Action Can Change the World (Baker Publishing, 2007).
10 See Lance Wallnau, “The Seven Mountain Mandate”, in Lance Wallnau and Bill Johnson, eds., Invading Babylon. The 7 Mountain Mandate (Destiny Image, 2013), p. 53.
11 Bible texts credited to NKJV are from the New King James Version. Copyright © 1979, 1980, 1982 by Thomas Nelson, Inc. Used by permission. All rights reserved.
Article Author: André Gagné
André Gagné is professor and chair of the Department of Theological Studies at Concordia University in Montréal, Canada. His scholarship focuses on global Pentecostal and charismatic movements, religion and politics, and evangelicalism. You can follow his work on Substack at “Spirit, State, and Society” and on YouTube at @ProfGagne.